Black History

Uncle Tom, “sellout”? Not so much, as it turns out.

From NAACP Branch 1039

The term “Uncle Tom” is often used to describe someone who betrays their own people, but this inference couldn’t be more wrong. Let’s set the record straight and honor the true hero behind the name – Josiah Henson, also known as Uncle Tom.

Born into slavery in 1789, in Charles County, Maryland, Josiah Henson witnessed the brutal treatment of his father, who was beaten and even had his ear severed for standing up to their owner. Tragically, Josiah was also separated from his family during an estate sale following his owner’s death. Despite these hardships, he persevered.

As he grew older, Henson became a trusted enslaved person on a farm in Montgomery County, Maryland, where he even supervised others in bondage. However, he saw an opportunity to escape and took it. In 1830, he and his wife, along with their four children, fled to the Province of Upper Canada (Ontario) through the Underground Railroad, crossing the treacherous Niagara River.

In Canada, Henson worked on various farms to support his family. In 1834, he established a black settlement on rented land and eventually purchased 200 acres of land in Kent County. Here, he founded a settlement and laborer’s school to assist other fugitive slaves in rebuilding their lives.

Not content with these accomplishments, Henson became a Methodist preacher and an active conductor on the Underground Railroad, aiding countless enslaved individuals in their escape from the horrors of slavery. He even served as a military officer in the British Army in Canada, further demonstrating his dedication to the fight for freedom.

So let us abandon the misuse of the term “Uncle Tom” to describe sell-outs. Instead, let’s recognize it as a tribute to a remarkable man who risked everything for the liberation of his people. The true sell-out was Sambo, who shamelessly sought his slave masters’ approval. The legacy of Uncle Tom deserves our respect and reverence. Let’s celebrate his incredible contributions during this #BlackHistoryMonth.

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Working People

All hands on deck for Rudy. He’s competent AND a decent human being. Without him, Kings County would not have a new Superior Court hi-rise, new prison, new firehouses, new bridges over CA-198, new bridge over CA-41 in Kettleman City. The list goes on … Not sure what one could place on Valadao’s list of accomplishments. Can you?

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Women Have Become 2nd Class Citizens in Republican-led States

Women are no longer allowed life-saving medical attention for the sake of appeasing right-wing “christians”; they’re living in Hell

I Miscarried in Texas. My Doctors Put Abortion Law First.
From Newsweek:

My Turn

For nearly five hours I alternate between lying in a fetal position on our bathroom floor and curling up against the wall, shivering uncontrollably one moment, and burning up the next.

I vomit three times on the floor. I rock back and forth in tears, repeating out loud, to myself, to God, to my husband and my dog on the other side of the door, to please, please make this stop. The pain is so blinding that I think I’m hallucinating.

It goes on so long, I don’t have the energy to scream, at what feels like every single bone in my body crumbling, my body breaking apart, collapsing into itself. Between each new wave of pain that comes, I try to focus on the broken grout between the floor tiles.

I pass out twice. I am terrified that I will die.

No one should have to fear they may die because of a miscarriage. And yet, for women like me in the United States, in Texas, that fear is very real.

The day before—Labor Day—we had checked into the ER after I began to bleed at work. At nine weeks pregnant, I feared the worst, but hoped it was nothing. Panicking at my desk, I immediately called my best friend, who told me to go straight to the emergency room.

At the ER, that panic deepened. The Dobbs decision, by the U.S. Supreme Court, which overturned a woman’s constitutional right to an abortion, had been passed three months earlier and for the first two hours in the waiting room, I could only think of how that decision would now trickle down to me, here.

My brain anxiously cycled through every bad scenario that could happen. My concern wasn’t misplaced.
I was eventually called back for bloodwork and asked questions that were probably standard, but sounded increasingly cold and accusatory, about why I was there. I repeated for what seemed the tenth time that I thought I was having a miscarriage.

Questions, tests, and information collected, I was sent back to the waiting room with my husband. Several hours, a sonogram, and transvaginal ultrasound later, a kind doctor and two nurses told me they were 98 percent sure I was beginning a miscarriage.

There was no heartbeat. There was nothing to save. Miscarriages don’t reverse themselves, despite what politicians may think.

Tired and numb, my husband and I asked what I could expect in the days to come. We had been down this path before, but not in Texas. For years, we struggled with infertility and suffered several pregnancy losses with complications.

I lost my first pregnancy in Washington, DC at 15 weeks. My doctors were wonderful and compassionate and immediately arranged for me to have a D&C—a procedure often used in abortions—because I was too far along to miscarry on my own and to limit the trauma of my loss. The only pain I woke to after that surgery was emotional, not physical.

Back in Texas, the attending doctor in the ER told me I was free to take Advil for pain (when you’re pregnant you can’t take ibuprofen) and that I should return only if I became feverish, filled a heavy pad with blood every hour or was nauseous.

Before we left, I asked him and the nurse if things had changed since the Dobbs decision. Without hesitation, they both said yes, clearly upset. Every OB they knew was trying to leave Texas.

As a woman who has dealt with infertility issues and miscarriages over the last six years, I’ve had my share of bad days. The next day was unnecessarily the worst day of my life.

I began to feel progressively worse. By mid-day, the cramps became debilitating and the bleeding worse. I powered through two phone meetings and then cancelled another when the pain became too much to bear.
An unholy amount of Advil did nothing. I crawled into our bed to rest and watch anything on Netflix to try to distract myself from the pain. That didn’t work. I bolted for the bathroom when I felt like I was going to both vomit and break apart into pieces.I would spend the next five hours on the bathroom floor thinking that this was terrible, but normal, remembering the words of a friend in Texas who had told me about her painful miscarriage at home.

When my husband and I return for the second time to the ER, we explain what happened. The pain is too intense, too deep for me to think about anything else. I’m given a wheelchair this time and I sit weeping in the waiting room, until I’m brought back for more bloodwork, and then finally, to a bed.

A doctor wearing cowboy boots under his scrubs comes in, and asks me if I want “some real pain relief.” A nurse gives me the first of three rounds of fentanyl and jokes that “it’s better than the cartel’s stuff.” Within a minute, the pain vanishes.

Sonograms and a CAT scan are needed to rule out other things. But the technicians that do this are an hour away, so we wait. I'[d] eventually returned to my bed and my husband. Minutes later, the doctor becomes concerned when my white blood cell count skyrockets, fearing an infection.

I remember hearing the rising, alarming series of beeps from a monitor and my husband’s voice fielding calls from our family in Virginia and Oregon. I hear the fear in their voices, asking him to get me out of there and for a flight to California or any safe state—a desperate, hopeful, impossible request.

I also remember processing that phrase “safe state” for the first time, turning it over in my head.
Abortion rights supporters rally at the Texas Capitol on May 14, 2022 in Austin, Texas, before the U.S. Supreme Court came to a majority opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization that overturned Roe v. Wade.

I’m given more fentanyl as the pain returns and more hours pass waiting. Around 5:30am, the doctor returns. As he opens his mouth to start talking, I stop him and tell him I need the bathroom because I feel something leaving me. That something was my placenta, which the doctor and nurse came in to collect for biopsy. The doctor confirms, to the surprise of absolutely no one, that I’m miscarrying. He prescribes hydrocodone and an anti-inflammatory drug.

Before I’m discharged, I asked him to be frank with me—why wasn’t I offered a D&C—a surgery that clears the uterine lining after a miscarriage and spares women the physical trauma of experiencing what I did over those two days—or misoprostol—a medication used to treat miscarriages, but also used for medicated abortions? Did the Dobbs decision affect how women were now treated in the ER?

Like the doctor the previous night, he sighed heavily: “Yes.”
He said that doctors now felt pressure because of lawyers and that today, because my HCG levels were going down (confirming pregnancy loss) he was in a better position to recommend to an OB what the attending doctor the previous night could not.

Lawyers, not women’s lives, were now the overriding concern.

In Texas, doctors who perform abortions face fines of up to $100,000 and life in prison. Texas has one of the most restrictive abortion bans in the country and while it allows exceptions when the patient’s life is in danger, the law is vaguely worded, making doctors hesitant to do anything that may jeopardize their career.
I was devastated and angry when the Dobbs decision came out three months earlier. My brother had said to me, in solidarity: “I can’t imagine what it’s like to wake up and suddenly be considered only half a citizen in this country. I’m so sorry.”

I’m a scholar of democracy and authoritarianism in the Middle East. I’ve always felt strongly against sharing details about my personal life in class. I’d rather not talk about my uterus with my graduate students or colleagues. But on my first day back, I thought they deserved to know the details of what’s happening in their state.

I told them the real reason I cancelled class. I told them that I was terrified that I would die. And I told them that if they or a woman in their life found themselves in such a situation, what questions they should ask and with whom they should speak. Democratic erosion and authoritarianism aren’t abstractions happening elsewhere I told them—this is a reminder that they’re happening in Texas and in other states.

A male student told me after class: “Thank you for telling us, and thank you for treating us like adults.”
That was 14 months ago. My story pales in comparison to countless women and girls who’ve faced far worse since trigger laws restricting abortion in Texas came into effect with the repeal of Roe v. Wade. We only know their stories because they’ve had the courage to share their trauma.

As a recent report in the Guardian suggests, statistics in Texas don’t capture how many women have left the state for life-saving care or those who’ve nearly died in emergency rooms because lawyers and politicians, not doctors, governed decisions about their life.

It’s impossible to quantify the quiet horror many of us feel in this state, where any pregnancy—wanted or not—carries a potential death sentence.

Our lives do not matter. That was demonstrated yet again last month when the Texas Supreme Court ruled against Kate Cox.

Cox had asked the courts for permission to end her pregnancy after learning her fetus has full trisomy 18, a lethal fetal anomaly. Continuing the pregnancy, her doctors said, threatened both her life and future fertility. Cox left the state for an abortion shortly before the court delivered its ruling.

Hearing her story utterly shattered me. I can’t begin to imagine the anguish for Cox and her family and that felt by so many others without the resources to leave this state for health care.

What is very clear to me though is that sharing the most intimate details of the horrors we face with strangers, hoping for a change, doesn’t matter. Conservative politicians running this state have shown, time and again, their utter disregard for women’s lives.

Cox was pushed into the unimaginably cruel position of having to beg for her life. When asked to comment on her story, our U.S. Senators in Texas, Ted Cruz and John Cornyn, refused to do so.

Recently, the situation for women became more dire. A federal appeals court ruled that emergency rooms in Texas aren’t required to perform life-saving care, including abortions. The ruling is a devastating blow for women.

A long-standing national emergency law, the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act, or EMTALA, requires doctors and hospitals to treat emergency conditions like mine or risk fines and civil lawsuits.

That law was one of the few remaining protections for women in the wake of the Dobbs decision, which overturned Roe v. Wade.

This ruling by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit—one of the most conservative courts in the nation—is a death sentence for women, unequivocally showing disregard for our lives.

Texas remains dangerous for women, and I fear, is a precursor of what’s to come for women in other states.
Erin A. Snider is a former professor at Texas A&M University and fellow with the New America Foundation. She is the author of Marketing Democracy: The Political Economy of Democracy Aid in the Middle East.

2FYRM13 Austin, TX, USA. 29th May, 2021. Several thousand Texans rally at the State Capitol in Austin protesting a recent bill signed by Governor Greg Abbott (not shown) that severely restrictions access to legal abortions. The law outlaws abortion procedures after detection of a heartbeat, generally six weeks after conception or about the time a woman is aware of a preganacy. Credit: Bob Daemmrich/ZUMA Wire/Alamy Live News

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Why is Marjorie Taylor Greene Channeling Centuries of Racist Rhetoric?

What is the opposite of diversity, equity, and inclusion? Whites-only communities, whites-only jobs, and racial segregation…

Thom Hartmann, January 9, 2024

As one of Georgia’s most high-profile racists (a high bar in that state), Marjorie Taylor Greene has a reputation to uphold. Which is probably why this week she posted an attack on the Blackrock investment firm for having DEI or Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion programs at that company.

“Corporate communists believe they have to force behaviors,” Greene wrote on her Xitter feed. “They only need to remember as a corporation or business their ONLY job is to SERVE THEIR CUSTOMER with the best job possible to make their customers happy! It’s not about gender, sex, race and blah blah blah.”

In this, Greene is channeling centuries of racist rhetoric that argued it was inappropriate for government or companies to have any concerns about racial fairness or equity. After all, the white customers of Georgia’s segregated 1960s lunch counters were “happy!” What else is necessary?  

There’s a reason why America’s white supremacist Republican politicians like Greene and Stefanik are pushing so hard to get rid of DEI and to fire Black people in academia and the Pentagon: it wins them votes. From the geriatric Fox “News” followers, to white nationalist militias, to the preachers in all-white evangelical churches, the browning of America has provoked a collective freak-out.

And when you put it into the context of presidential administration policies over the past seventy or so years, it just makes sense that at this moment in time we’d see this explosion of exploitative racism from the hard right in America.

Like with any six-decade-old memory (from childhood, no less), I can’t be sure my recollection is as vivid as I think it is, but I have a clear recollection of my Dad pointing out and commenting about a “Colored Entrance Around Back” sign (or words to that effect) at the old RE Olds Hotel (later renamed the Jack Tar) in downtown Lansing, Michigan in the late 1950s.

The hotel housed one of the better sit-down restaurants in Lansing and we went out only rarely, but it was one of my parents’ favorites, that sign notwithstanding. My recollection is that the sign offended my Dad who, although a Republican, was a strong advocate of civil rights (at that time, the segregated South was almost entirely Democratic).

Chattel slavery had only ended about 90 years earlier, the Klan was riding high, and Fred Koch was funding “Impeach Earl Warren” billboards across the country, expressing rightwing outrage over the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v Board decision that required the racial integration of our nation’s public schools.

Virtually every door to opportunity was closed to Black people in the 1950s. Their segregated public schools were substandard; America’s top colleges only occasionally let in women, much less Black people; unions and employers alike opposed African Americans in the workplace; and it was nearly impossible to find a Black doctor, lawyer, college professor (outside of HBCUs), or cop.

In a speech which began the racial transformation of America, President John Kennedy addressed the nation on June 11, 1963 about this issue:

“We are confronted today primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

“The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

“One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

“We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

“Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise.”

Kennedy didn’t live to see the legislation he proposed pass Congress: that job fell to Lyndon Johnson in 1964 and 1965 with the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. But JFK set the stage for racial reconciliation and Black opportunity, and America is the better for it.

In his speech, Kennedy pointed out how far behind Black people were, as a result of centuries of slavery and nearly a century of legally enforced segregation:

“The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the Nation in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.”

But just ending legal segregation and discrimination in America wasn’t enough, Kennedy knew. That’s why he originated the term “affirmative action” with his Executive Order 10925, which required any contractor or company that wanted to do business with the federal government to “take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin.”  

President Johnson followed up with his own Executive Order, 11246, which spelled out exactly what affirmative action meant:

“Such action shall include, but not be limited to the following: employment, upgrading, demotion, or transfer; recruitment or recruitment advertising; layoff or termination; rates of pay or other forms of compensation; and selection for training, including apprenticeship.”

Over the loud objections of white supremacists and open racists like George Wallace and Ronald Reagan, affirmative action became a watchword phrase during the 1970s. That decade saw the first wave of Black people getting a quality education and finding good jobs, particularly in the government sector.

Then came the Reagan Revolution, powered in part by white backlash against Kennedy’s, Johnson’s, and Carter’s affirmative action programs.

Reagan’s first official campaign stop had been to speak at an all-white county fair near Philadelphia, Mississippi, the site of the brutal murder of three civil rights workers, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner, in 1964. The subject of his speech was “states’ rights,” which everybody knew was code for “let the southern states continue their segregation programs.”

On the 1980 campaign trail, Reagan told the story of the “strapping young buck” in line at the supermarket upsetting all the hard-working white people when he whipped out his food stamps to pay for his “steak and beer”; it was the male complement to Reagan’s Black “welfare queen” myth.  Cut off his food stamps, the logic went, and he’ll be forced to look for gainful employment…even if there were no jobs within miles and white employers wouldn’t then hire Black people. 

But Reagan didn’t just talk about stopping affirmative action: he took steps to push America back to the white supremacist 1950s. As The Washington Post noted:

“In the 1980s, the Reagan administration began to roll back civil rights protections and legally designated targets for affirmative action hires, thus bringing the politics of reverse discrimination to the White House. Under the now familiar banner of ‘Let’s Make America Great Again,’ Reagan campaigned vigorously against affirmative action in 1980, promising voters he would overturn policies that mandated, in his view, “federal guidelines or quotas which require race, ethnicity, or sex . . . to be the principle factor in hiring or education.”

As president, Reagan directed his Justice Department to stop promoting affirmative action and instead attack those programs in pleadings before the courts. When the Supreme Court refused to outlaw such programs, though, Reagan began what The Washington Post called “a two-pronged approach to circumvent existing civil rights laws.”

Up and down the line at the DOJ, the Reagan administration simply refused to enforce civil rights laws and affirmative action laws and policies they didn’t like. As the Post article noted:

“Reagan’s secretary of labor, for example, implemented new federal compliance guidelines that exempted as many as 75 percent of companies contracting with the federal government from previously mandatory affirmative action programs.”

Reagan also fired people in the federal government who supported affirmative action, replacing them with opponents of school integration and bussing like the man he put in charge of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, William Bradford Reynolds.

Reynolds and his compatriot Clarence Thomas (then Chairman of Reagan’s Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) blocked the federal government from using lawsuits to enforce affirmative action.

When Bill Clinton came into the White House in 1993, he re-started the affirmative action programs put into place by Lyndon Johnson and Jimmy Carter.  In a speech, he said:

“My experiences with discrimination are rooted in the South and in the legacy slavery left. … The job of ending discrimination in this country is not done. … We should reaffirm the principle of affirmative action and fix the practices.”

By the time George W. Bush became president, private industry and academia had both begun a serious embrace of what President Kennedy called affirmative action.

A new system, called “Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion” set standards that colleges and companies were eager to embrace in pursuit of a more diverse and fairer educational and work environment. From Ivy League universities to the nation’s largest corporations, DEI initiatives were the hot new thing in the 21st century.

The Bush administration, arguably the first Republican administration since the Civil War to reject racism as a political strategy, embraced DEI, as did the Obama administration which followed.

Donald Trump, however, wanted to put an end to the entire process. This was the guy, after all, who as a teenager worked for his father interviewing people for the subsidized housing project they owned and would write a “C” (for “Colored”) on the applications from Black people so they never got an apartment in Fred Trump’s properties. Fred had, just decades earlier, been arrested at a 1927 Klan rally.

Trump reverted to Reagan’s policies: He issued an executive order banning diversity training on racial and gender biases across government agencies, nonprofits, and institutions with federal contracts. As The New York Times headline noted: “Trump Attack on Diversity Training Has a Quick and Chilling Effect.” The article pointed out:

“Both implicitly and explicitly, Mr. Trump has made race a centerpiece of his bid for re-election, warning suburban voters of the perils of low-income housing and the spreading of ‘anarchy’ in the cities. During the debate, he refused to condemn white supremacy and told the Proud Boys, an organization linked with white supremacy and acts of violence, to ‘stand back and stand by.’

“Beyond rhetoric, the president has mobilized the federal government to prosecute his efforts. Microsoft said this month that the Labor Department had initiated an investigation into its commitment to double the number of Black employees in leadership posts by 2025. The Justice Department sued Yale University last week, accusing the school of discriminating against white and Asian-American applicants in admissions.”

Trump is now running for president again, and his racist base are wildly enthusiastic about the prospect. They hate DEI and affirmative action, and want to see women and Black people returned to their second-class status that preceded the civil rights era.

Republican racists — much like Democratic racists before Kennedy’s presidency — proudly lay it out for all to see. They’re campaigning on their racism.

After all, what is the opposite of diversity, equity, and inclusion? Whites-only communities, whites-only jobs, and racial segregation.

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Tulare Lake farm barons defy calls to cut groundwater pumping while the land sinks

U.S. Geological Survey

BySusanne Rust

Jessica GarrisonIan James – LA Times

CORCORAN, Calif. — 

Earlier this year, as floodwaters rushed toward the San Joaquin Valley city of Corcoran — home to roughly 20,000 people and a sprawling maximum-security state prison — emergency workers and desperate local officials begged the state for help raising their levee.

Corcoran had been sinking, steadily, for years because of persistent overpumping of groundwater by major landowners in the Tulare Lake Basin that has sent the valley floor into a slow-motion collapse. And the levee raises made in 2017 — a multimillion-dollar effort funded by local property tax hikes and the prison system — were no longer up to the job. Ultimately, the state agreed to pour $17 million into another round of levee engineering in an effort to save the town.

Farmers, meanwhile, were frantic as the basin’s phantom lake reemerged for the first time in 25 years and floodwaters surged onto croplands that had not flooded in modern times. The same overpumping that was sinking Corcoran had caused geologic transformations across the basin. What was once high ground suddenly wasn’t; infrastructure critical to drainage had in some cases shifted; water flowed in unexpected ways.

“California taxpayers are basically subsidizing overdraft of groundwater,” she said, “subsidizing the profits of a few who take a resource that is shared by all.” -Margaret Lirones, Corcoran

Lost in the chaotic scramble was the fact that just months before the water began rising in the ancient Tulare lakebed, the local agencies responsible for managing groundwater pumping had insisted that subsidence — and the subsequent flooding and destruction it might cause — was not an immediate problem. Read more here.

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What’s Your Wish?

Blessed are the merciful,
for they will be shown mercy.

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The Question is Whether We’ll Continue to Allow Republicans to Take us Back to the 1950s

Or 1850? 1550? 1150?

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KCDCC Press Release


Kings County Democrats Condemn Vandalism at Congressman Valadao’s Office and Advocate for Peaceful Protest

Hanford, November 29, 2023 – The Kings County Democratic Central Committee (KCDCC) and the Kings County Jimmy Carter Democratic Club (KCJCDC), representing active voters, engaged citizens, and Democrats in Congressional District 22 and 20, vehemently denounce the recent act of vandalism at Congressman David Valadao’s office in Hanford, CA.

As concerned citizens, deeply involved in civic engagement, we have regularly exercised our democratic rights by organizing peaceful protests at Congressman Valadao’s office. Our commitment to civic involvement and discourse has led us to engage with Congressman Valadao’s staff and, at times, directly with the congressman himself.

The conflict in Palestine and Israel is a historically complex issue that spans centuries. While acknowledging the right to dissent and critique governmental policies, we unequivocally condemn acts of vandalism as a means of protest. We firmly believe that using one’s voice, advocacy, and peaceful demonstrations are essential tools for expressing disagreement and fostering change within our government and society.

It is crucial to emphasize that the citizens of Palestine and Israel should not be equated with their respective governments. As progressive Democrats, we stand in opposition to terrorism at any level and advocate for a peaceful resolution to conflicts globally.

As active members of the community, we reiterate our dedication to advocating for constructive dialogue, fostering understanding, and promoting peaceful means of conflict resolution. We urge individuals to engage in respectful discourse and uphold the principles of civil disagreement in addressing complex and sensitive geopolitical issues.

The Kings County Democratic Central Committee and the Kings County Jimmy Carter Democratic Club are dedicated to supporting democratic values, advocating for social progress, and engaging in meaningful civic participation within our community.

For media inquiries or further information, please contact:
Cathleen Jorgensen, Chair of KCDCC
(559) 537-6815

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Kings Democrats Join ECoS Mission to Feed the Hungry

Cathy & Susan helping out at the Episcopal Church of the Savior Soup Kitchen in downtown Hanford.

Here, in the heart of California’s San Joaquin Valley, in the midst of America’s most productive agricultural region, many people are hungry. The need varies throughout the year, but for a significant portion of our population, hunger is a daily reality. For over 37 years, through the hospitality and hosting of the Episcopal Church of the [Savior] Soup Kitchen, many of Hanford’s needier residents have found a safe, climate controlled place to enjoy a nourishing meal. Meals are served Monday through Saturday and include soup, salad, bread, dessert and a beverage and a sack lunch on Sundays.. The Ministry was started in 1986 by the Episcopal Church of the Savior as a way of expanding its service to the local community. At that time there were no other services to provide food for the hungry of this community, so the parish decided that the soup kitchen would be a wonderful ministry opportunity.

Happy to help.

Members of the Kings County Democratic Central Committee have been enlisted by church staff to help the cause. Each 3rd Monday of the month is our slot, our day to give along with other organizations on the ECoS team, participating in providing a noon meal to those who have little or no means to eat a meal on any given day. If you would like to help, just stop by the church. If you’d like to help in a financial capacity, stop by the church or click here.

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“You Can’t Love Your Country When Only You Can Win”

In his speech to the nation on 1 September 2022, President Biden outlines the clear and present danger to our democracy.

Listen to the speech in its entirety here. Enjoy the wonderful John Philips Souza-style music provided by the United States Marine Corps Band at the outset or skip to ~5:40 to go directly to the speech or read the transcript here.

It is quite possibly one of the most important and impactful speeches a president has given.

TOPSHOT – US President Joe Biden speaks about the soul of the nation, outside of Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on September 1, 2022. (Photo by Jim WATSON / AFP) (Photo by JIM WATSON/AFP via Getty Images)

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